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John Tyler
| 10th President of the United States | |
|---|---|
| In office April 4, 1841 – March 4, 1845 | |
| Vice President | None[a] |
| Preceded by | William Henry Harrison |
| Succeeded by | James K. Polk |
| 10th Vice President of the United States | |
| In office March 4, 1841 – April 4, 1841 | |
| President | William Henry Harrison |
| Preceded by | Richard Mentor Johnson |
| Succeeded by | George M. Dallas |
| United States Senator from Virginia | |
| In office March 4, 1827 – February 29, 1836 | |
| Preceded by | John Randolph |
| Succeeded by | William Cabell Rives |
| President pro tempore of the United States Senate | |
| In office March 3, 1835 – December 6, 1835 | |
| Preceded by | George Poindexter |
| Succeeded by | William R. King |
| 23rd Governor of Virginia | |
| In office December 10, 1825 – March 4, 1827 | |
| Preceded by | James Pleasants |
| Succeeded by | William Branch Giles |
| Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Virginia's 23rd district | |
| In office December 17, 1816 – March 3, 1821 | |
| Preceded by | John Clopton |
| Succeeded by | Andrew Stevenson |
| Personal details | |
| Born | (1790-03-29)March 29, 1790 Charles City County, Virginia, U.S. |
| Died | January 18, 1862(1862-01-18) (aged 71) Richmond, Virginia, C.S. |
| Cause of death | Stroke |
| Resting place | Hollywood Cemetery Richmond, Virginia, U.S. |
| Political party | Independent (1841–1844, 1844–1862) |
| Other political affiliations | |
| Spouse(s) | |
| Children | 15, including Letitia, Robert, David, John Alexander, and Lyon Tyler |
| Parents | |
| Alma mater | College of William and Mary |
| Profession | Politician, lawyer, farmer |
| Signature | |
| Military service | |
| Allegiance | United States |
| Branch/service | Charles City Rifles (Virginia militia company) |
| Years of service | 1813 |
| Rank | Captain |
John Tyler (March 29, 1790 – January 18, 1862)[1] was the tenth president of the United States from 1841 to 1845 after briefly serving as the tenth vice president in 1841; he was elected vice president on the 1840 Whig ticket with President William Henry Harrison. Tyler ascended to the presidency after Harrison's death in April 1841, only a month after the start of the new administration. He was a stalwart supporter and advocate of states' rights, and he adopted nationalistic policies as president only when they did not infringe on the powers of the states. His unexpected rise to the presidency posed a threat to the presidential ambitions of Henry Clay and other politicians, and left Tyler estranged from both major political parties.
Tyler was born to a prominent Virginia family and became a national figure at a time of political upheaval. In the 1820s, the nation's only political party was the Democratic-Republican Party, and it split into factions. Tyler was initially a Democrat, but he opposed Andrew Jackson during the Nullification Crisis, seeing Jackson's actions as infringing on states' rights, and he criticized Jackson's expansion of executive power during the Bank War. This led Tyler to ally with the Whig Party. He served as a Virginia state legislator, governor, U.S. representative, and U.S. senator. He was put on the 1840 presidential ticket to attract states' rights Southerners to a Whig coalition to defeat Martin Van Buren's re-election bid.
President Harrison died just one month after taking office, and Tyler became the first vice president to succeed to the presidency without election. He served longer than any other president in U.S. history not elected to the office. To forestall constitutional uncertainty, Tyler immediately took the oath of office, moved into the White House, and assumed full presidential powers—a precedent that governed future successions and was codified in the Twenty-fifth Amendment. Tyler signed into law some of the Whig-controlled Congress's bills, but he was a strict constructionist and vetoed the party's bills to create a national bank and raise the tariff rates. He believed that the president should set policy rather than Congress, and he sought to bypass the Whig establishment, led by Senator Henry Clay of Kentucky. Most of Tyler's Cabinet resigned soon into his term, and the Whigs dubbed him His Accidency and expelled him from the party. Tyler was the first president to see his veto of legislation overridden by Congress. He faced a stalemate on domestic policy, although he had several foreign-policy achievements, including the Webster–Ashburton Treaty with Britain and the Treaty of Wanghia with Qing China.
The Republic of Texas separated from Mexico in 1836. Tyler was a firm believer in manifest destiny and saw its annexation as providing an economic advantage to the United States, so he worked diligently to make it happen. He initially sought election to a full term as president, but he failed to gain the support of either Whigs or Democrats and withdrew in support of Democrat James K. Polk, who favored the annexation of Texas. Polk won the election, Tyler signed a bill to annex Texas three days before leaving office, and Polk completed the process. When the American Civil War began in 1861, Tyler sided with the Confederacy and won election to the Confederate House of Representatives shortly before his death. Some scholars have praised Tyler's political resolve, but historians have generally given his presidency a low ranking. Today, he is seldom remembered in comparison to other presidents and maintains only a limited presence in American cultural memory.[2]
Early life and legal career[edit]
John Tyler was born on March 29, 1790; like his future running mate, William Henry Harrison, Tyler hailed from Charles City County, Virginia, and was descended from aristocratic and politically entrenched families of English ancestry.[3][4] The Tyler family traced its lineage to colonial Williamsburg in the 17th century. John Tyler Sr., commonly known as Judge Tyler, was a friend and college roommate of Thomas Jefferson and served in the Virginia House of Delegates alongside Benjamin Harrison V, father of William. The elder Tyler served four years as Speaker of the House of Delegates before becoming a state court judge. He subsequently served as governor and as a judge on the U.S. District Court at Richmond. His wife, Mary Marot (Armistead), was the daughter of a prominent plantation owner, Robert Booth Armistead. She died of a stroke when her son John was seven years old.[5]
With two brothers and five sisters, Tyler was reared on Greenway Plantation, a 1,200-acre (5 km2) estate with a six-room manor house his father had built.[b] The Tylers' forty slaves grew various crops, including wheat, corn and tobacco.[6] Judge Tyler paid high wages for tutors who challenged his children academically.[7] Tyler was of frail health, thin and prone to diarrhea throughout life.[8] At the age of twelve, he entered the preparatory branch of the elite College of William and Mary, continuing the Tyler family's tradition of attending the college. Tyler graduated from the school's collegiate branch in 1807, at age seventeen. Among the books that formed his economic views was Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations, and he acquired a lifelong love of Shakespeare. His political opinions were shaped by Bishop James Madison, the college's president and namesake of the future president; the bishop served as a second father and mentor to Tyler.[9]
After graduation Tyler read the law with his father, a state judge at the time, and later with Edmund Randolph, former United States Attorney General. Tyler was erroneously admitted to the Virginia bar at the premature age of 19—the admitting judge neglected to ask his age. By this time his father was serving as Governor of Virginia (1808–1811), and the young Tyler started a practice in Richmond, the state capital.[10] In 1813 he purchased Woodburn plantation, where he lived until 1821.[11]
Political rise[edit]
Start in Virginia politics[edit]
In 1811, at age 21, Tyler was elected to represent Charles City County in the House of Delegates. He served five successive one-year terms and sat on the Courts and Justice committee. The young politician's defining positions were on display by the end of his first term in 1816—strong, staunch support of states' rights and opposition to a national bank. He joined fellow legislator Benjamin W. Leigh in supporting the censure of U.S. senators William Branch Giles and Richard Brent of Virginia who had, against the Virginia legislature's instructions,[c] voted for the recharter of the First Bank of the United States.[13]
War of 1812[edit]
Tyler, like most Americans of his day, was anti-British, and at the onset of the War of 1812 he urged support for military action in a speech to the House of Delegates. After the British capture of Hampton, Virginia, in the summer of 1813, Tyler eagerly organized a militia company, the Charles City Rifles, to defend Richmond, which he commanded with the rank of captain.[14] No attack came, and he dissolved the company two months later.[15] For his military service, Tyler received a land grant near what later became Sioux City, Iowa.[16]
Tyler's father died in 1813, and Tyler inherited thirteen slaves along with his father's plantation.[17] In 1816, he resigned his legislative seat to serve on the Governor's Council of State, a group of eight advisers elected by the General Assembly.[13]
U.S. House of Representatives[edit]
The death of U.S. Representative John Clopton in September 1816 created a vacancy in Virginia's 23rd congressional district. Tyler sought the seat, as did his friend and political ally Andrew Stevenson. Since the two men were politically alike, the race was for the most part a popularity contest.[18] Tyler's political connections and campaigning skills narrowly won him the election. He was sworn into the Fourteenth Congress on December 17, 1816, to serve as a Democratic-Republican,[d] the major political party in the Era of Good Feelings.[19]
While the Democratic-Republicans had supported states' rights, in the wake of the War of 1812 many members urged a stronger central government. A majority in Congress wanted to see the federal government help to fund internal improvements such as ports and roadways. Tyler held fast to his strict constructionist beliefs, rejecting such proposals on both constitutional and personal grounds. He believed each state should construct necessary projects within its borders using locally generated funds. Virginia was not 'in so poor a condition as to require a charitable donation from Congress', he contended.[19] He was chosen to participate in an audit of the Second Bank of the United States in 1818 as part of a five-man committee, and was appalled by corruption he perceived within the bank. He argued for the revocation of the bank charter, although Congress rejected any such proposal. His first clash with General Andrew Jackson followed Jackson's 1818 invasion of Florida during the First Seminole War. While praising Jackson's character, Tyler condemned him as overzealous for the execution of two British subjects. Tyler was elected for a full term without opposition in early 1819.[20]
The major issue of the Sixteenth Congress (1819–21) was whether Missouri should be admitted to the Union, and whether slavery would be permitted in the new state.[21] Acknowledging the ills of slavery, he hoped that by letting it expand, there would be fewer slaves in the east as slave and master journeyed west, making it feasible to consider abolishing the institution in Virginia. Thus, slavery would be abolished through the action of individual states as the practice became rare, as had been done in some Northern states.[21] Tyler believed that Congress did not have the power to regulate slavery and that admitting states based on whether they were slave or free was a recipe for sectional conflict;[22] therefore, the Missouri Compromise was enacted without Tyler's support. It admitted Missouri as a slave state and Maine as a free one, and it also forbade slavery in states formed from the northern part of the territories. Throughout his time in Congress, he voted against bills which would restrict slavery in the territories.[21]
Tyler declined to seek renomination in late 1820, citing ill health. He privately acknowledged his dissatisfaction with the position, as his opposing votes were largely symbolic and did little to change the political culture in Washington; he also observed that funding his children's education would be difficult on a congressman's low salary. He left office on March 3, 1821, endorsing his former opponent Stevenson for the seat, and returned to private law practice full-time.[23]
Return to state politics[edit]
Restless and bored after two years at home practicing law, Tyler sought election to the House of Delegates in 1823. Neither member from Charles City County was seeking re-election, and Tyler was elected easily that April, finishing first among the three candidates seeking the two seats.[24] At the term's start in December, he found the chamber in debate over the impending presidential election of 1824. The congressional nominating caucus, an early system for choosing presidential candidates, was still used despite its growing unpopularity. Tyler tried to convince the lower house to endorse the caucus system and choose William H. Crawford as the Democratic-Republican candidate. Crawford captured the legislature's support, but Tyler's proposal was defeated. His most enduring effort in this second legislative tenure was saving the College of William and Mary, which risked closure from waning enrollment. Rather than move it from rural Williamsburg to the populous capital of Richmond, as some suggested, Tyler proposed that a series of administrative and financial reforms be enacted. These were passed into law and were successful; by 1840 the school achieved its highest-ever enrollment.[25]
Tyler's political fortunes were growing; he was considered as a possible candidate in the legislative deliberation for the 1824 U.S. Senate election.[26] He was nominated in December 1825 for governor of Virginia, a position which was then appointed by the legislature. Tyler was elected 131–81 over John Floyd. The office of governor was powerless under the original Virginia Constitution (1776–1830), lacking even veto authority. Tyler enjoyed a prominent oratorical platform but could do little to influence the legislature. His most visible act as governor was delivering the funeral address for former president Jefferson, a Virginian, who had died on July 4, 1826.[e] Tyler was deeply devoted to Jefferson, and his eloquent eulogy was well received.[27]
Tyler's governorship was otherwise uneventful. He promoted states' rights and adamantly opposed any concentration of federal power. In order to thwart federal infrastructure proposals, he suggested Virginia actively expand its own road system. A proposal was made to expand the state's poorly funded public school system, but no significant action was taken.[28] Tyler was re-elected unanimously to a second one-year term in December 1826.[29]
In 1829, Tyler was elected as a delegate to the Virginia Constitutional Convention of 1829–1830 from the Senate District that included Chief Justice John Marshall. He was appointed to the Committee on the Legislature. His service in various capacities at a state level included as president of the Virginia Colonization Society, and as rector and chancellor of the College of William and Mary.[30]
U.S. Senate[edit]
In January 1827, the General Assembly considered whether to elect U.S. Senator John Randolph for a full six-year term. Randolph was a contentious figure; although he shared the staunch states' rights views held by most of the Virginia legislature, he had a reputation for fiery rhetoric and erratic behavior on the Senate floor, which put his allies in an awkward position. Furthermore, he had made enemies by fiercely opposing President John Quincy Adams and Kentucky Senator Henry Clay. The nationalists of the Democratic-Republican Party, who supported Adams and Clay, were a sizable minority in the Virginia legislature. They hoped to unseat Randolph by capturing the vote of states' rights supporters who were uncomfortable with the senator's reputation. They approached Tyler, and promised their endorsement if he sought the seat. Tyler repeatedly declined the offer, endorsing Randolph as the best candidate, but the political pressure continued to mount. Eventually he agreed to accept the seat if chosen. On the day of the vote, one assemblyman argued there was no political difference between the two candidates—Tyler was merely more agreeable than Randolph. The incumbent's supporters, though, contended that Tyler's election would be a tacit endorsement of the Adams administration. The legislature selected Tyler in a vote of 115–110, and he resigned his governorship on March 4, 1827, as his Senate term began.[31]
Democratic maverick[edit]
By the time of Tyler's senatorial election, the 1828 campaign for president was in progress. Adams, the incumbent president, was challenged by Gen. Andrew Jackson. The Democratic-Republicans had splintered into Adams' National Republicans and Jackson's Democrats. Tyler disliked both candidates for their willingness to increase the power of the federal government, but he was increasingly drawn to Jackson, hoping that he would not seek to spend as much federal money on internal improvements as Adams. Of Jackson he wrote, 'Turning to him I may at least indulge in hope; looking on Adams I must despair.'[32]
When the Twentieth Congress began in December 1827,[f] Tyler served alongside his Virginia colleague and friend Littleton Waller Tazewell, who shared his strict constructionist views and uneasy support of Jackson. Throughout his tenure, Sen. Tyler vigorously opposed national infrastructure bills, feeling these were matters for individual states to decide. He and his Southern colleagues unsuccessfully opposed the protectionist Tariff of 1828, known to its detractors as the 'Tariff of Abominations'. Tyler suggested that the Tariff's only positive outcome would be a national political backlash, restoring a respect for states' rights.[33] Tyler remained a strong supporter of states' rights, stating 'they may strike the Federal Government out of existence by a word; demolish the Constitution and scatter its fragments to the winds'.[34]
Tyler was soon at odds with President Jackson, frustrated by Jackson's newly emerging spoils system, describing it as an 'electioneering weapon'. He voted against many of the President's nominations when they appeared to be unconstitutional or motivated by patronage. Opposing the nominations of a president of his own party was considered 'an act of insurgency' against his party.[35] Tyler was particularly offended by Jackson's use of the recess appointment power to name three treaty commissioners to meet with emissaries from the Ottoman Empire, and introduced a bill chastising the president for this.[36]
In some matters Tyler was on good terms with Jackson. He defended Jackson for vetoing the Maysville Road funding project, which Jackson considered unconstitutional.[37] He voted to confirm several of the president's appointments, including Jackson's future running mate Martin Van Buren as United States Minister to Britain.[38] The leading issue in the 1832 presidential election was the recharter of the Second Bank of the United States, which both Tyler and Jackson opposed. Congress voted to recharter the bank in July 1832, and Jackson vetoed the bill for both constitutional and practical reasons. Tyler voted to sustain the veto and endorsed the president in his successful bid for re-election.[39]
Break with the party[edit]
Tyler's uneasy relationship with his party came to a head during the 22nd Congress, as the Nullification Crisis of 1832–33 began. South Carolina, threatening secession, passed the Ordinance of Nullification in November 1832, declaring the 'Tariff of Abominations' null and void within its borders. This raised the constitutional question of whether states could nullify federal laws. President Jackson, who denied such a right, prepared to sign a Force Bill allowing the federal government to use military action to enforce the tariff. Tyler, who sympathized with South Carolina's reasons for nullification, rejected Jackson's use of military force against a state and gave a speech in February 1833 outlining his views. He supported Clay's Compromise Tariff, enacted that year, to gradually reduce the tariff over ten years, alleviating tensions between the states and the federal government.[40]
In voting against the Force Bill, Tyler knew he would permanently alienate the pro-Jackson faction of the Virginia legislature, even those who had tolerated his irregularity up to this point. This jeopardized his re-election in February 1833, in which he faced the pro-administration Democrat James McDowell; however, with Clay's endorsement, Tyler was re-elected by a margin of 12 votes.[41]
Jackson further offended Tyler by moving to dissolve the Bank by executive fiat. In September 1833, Jackson issued an executive order directing Treasury Secretary Roger B. Taney to transfer federal funds from the Bank to state-chartered banks without delay. Tyler saw this as 'a flagrant assumption of power', a breach of contract, and a threat to the economy. After months of agonizing, he decided to join with Jackson's opponents. Sitting on the Senate Finance Committee, he voted for two censure resolutions against the president in March 1834.[42] By this time, Tyler had become affiliated with Clay's newly formed Whig Party, which held control of the Senate. On March 3, 1835, with only hours remaining in the congressional session, the Whigs voted Tyler President pro tempore of the Senate as a symbolic gesture of approval.[43] He is the only U.S. president to have held this office.[44]
Shortly thereafter, the Democrats took control of the Virginia House of Delegates. Tyler was offered a judgeship in exchange for resigning his seat, but he declined. Tyler understood what was to come: he would soon be forced by the legislature to cast a vote that went against his constitutional beliefs. Senator Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri had introduced a bill expunging the censure of Jackson. By resolution of the Democratic-controlled legislature, Tyler could be instructed to vote for the bill. If he disregarded the instructions, he would be violating his own principles: 'the first act of my political life was a censure on Messrs. Giles and Brent for opposition to instructions', he noted.[45] Over the next few months he sought the counsel of his friends, who gave him conflicting advice. By mid-February he felt that his Senate career was likely at an end. He issued a letter of resignation to the Vice President, Van Buren, on February 29, 1836, saying in part:[46]
I shall carry with me into retirement the principles which I brought with me into public life, and by the surrender of the high station to which I was called by the voice of the people of Virginia, I shall set an example to my children which shall teach them to regard as nothing place and office, when either is to be attained or held at the sacrifice of honor.
1836 presidential election[edit]
While Tyler wished to attend to his private life and family, he was soon occupied with the 1836 presidential election. He had been suggested as a vice presidential candidate since early 1835, and the same day the Virginia Democrats issued the expunging instruction, the Virginia Whigs nominated him as their candidate. The new Whig Party was not organized enough to hold a national convention and name a single ticket against Van Buren, Jackson's chosen successor. Instead, Whigs in various regions put forth their own preferred tickets, reflecting the party's tenuous coalition: the Massachusetts Whigs nominated Daniel Webster and Francis Granger, the Anti-Masons of the Northern and border states backed William Henry Harrison and Granger, and the states' rights advocates of the middle and lower South nominated Hugh Lawson White and John Tyler.[47] In Maryland, the Whig ticket was Harrison and Tyler and in South Carolina it was Willie P. Mangum and Tyler. The Whigs wanted to deny Van Buren a majority in the Electoral College, throwing the election into the House of Representatives, where deals could be made. Tyler hoped electors would be unable to elect a vice president, and that he would be one of the top two vote-getters, from whom the Senate, under the Twelfth Amendment, must choose.[48]
Following the custom of the times—that candidates not appear to seek the office—Tyler stayed home throughout the campaign, and made no speeches.[48] Tyler received only 47 electoral votes, from Georgia, South Carolina and Tennessee, in the November 1836 election, trailing both Granger and the Democratic candidate, Richard Mentor Johnson of Kentucky. Harrison was the leading Whig candidate for president, but he lost to Van Buren.[47] The presidential election was settled by the Electoral College, but for the only time in American history, the vice presidential election was decided by the Senate, which selected Johnson over Granger on the first ballot.[49]
National political figure[edit]
Tyler had been drawn into Virginia politics as a U.S. Senator. From October 1829 to January 1830, he served as a member of the state constitutional convention, a role which he had been reluctant to accept. The original Virginia Constitution gave outsize influence to the state's more conservative eastern counties, as it allocated an equal number of legislators to each county (regardless of population) and only granted suffrage to property owners. The convention gave the more populous and liberal counties of western Virginia an opportunity to expand their influence. Tyler, a slaveowner from eastern Virginia, supported the existing system. He largely remained on the sidelines during the debate, however, not wishing to alienate any of the state's political factions. He was focused on his Senate career, which required a broad base of support, and gave speeches during the convention promoting compromise and unity.[50]
After the 1836 election, Tyler thought his political career was at an end, and planned to return to private law practice. In the fall of 1837 a friend sold him a sizable property in Williamsburg. Unable to remain away from politics, Tyler successfully sought election to the House of Delegates and took his seat in 1838. He was a national political figure by this point, and his third delegate service touched on such national issues as the sale of public lands.[51]
Tyler's successor in the Senate was William Cabell Rives, a conservative Democrat. In February 1839, the General Assembly considered who should fill that seat, which was to expire the following month. Rives had drifted away from his party, signalling a possible alliance with the Whigs. As Tyler had already fully rejected the Democrats, he expected the Whigs would support him. Still, many Whigs found Rives a more politically expedient choice, as they hoped to ally with the conservative wing of the Democratic Party in the 1840 presidential election. This strategy was supported by Whig leader Henry Clay, who nevertheless admired Tyler at that time. With the vote split among three candidates, including Rives and Tyler, the Senate seat remained vacant for almost two years, until January 1841.[52]
1840 presidential election[edit]
Adding Tyler to the ticket[edit]
When the 1839 Whig National Convention convened in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, to choose the party's ticket, the United States was in the third year of a serious recession following the Panic of 1837. President Van Buren's ineffective efforts to deal with the situation cost him public support. With the Democratic Party torn into factions, the head of the Whig ticket would likely be the next president. Harrison, Clay, and General Winfield Scott all sought the nomination. Tyler attended the convention and was with the Virginia delegation, although he had no official status. Because of bitterness over the unresolved Senate election, the Virginia delegation refused to make Tyler its favorite son candidate for vice president. Tyler himself did nothing to aid his chances. If his favored candidate for the presidential nomination, Clay, were successful, he would likely not be chosen for the second place on the ticket, which would probably go to a Northerner to assure geographic balance.[53]
The convention deadlocked among the three main candidates, with Virginia's votes going to Clay. Many Northern Whigs opposed Clay, and some, including Pennsylvania's Thaddeus Stevens, showed the Virginians a letter written by Scott in which he apparently displayed abolitionist sentiments. The influential Virginia delegation then announced that Harrison was its second choice, causing most Scott supporters to abandon him in favor of Harrison, who gained the presidential nomination.[53]
The vice presidential nomination was considered immaterial; no president had failed to complete his elected term. Not much attention was given to the choice, and the specifics of how Tyler came to gain it are unclear. Chitwood pointed out that Tyler was a logical candidate: as a Southern slaveowner, he balanced the ticket and also assuaged the fears of Southerners who felt Harrison might have abolitionist leanings. Tyler had been a vice-presidential candidate in 1836, and having him on the ticket might win Virginia, the most populous state in the South. One of the convention managers, New York publisher Thurlow Weed, alleged that 'Tyler was finally taken because we could get nobody else to accept'—though he did not say this until after the subsequent break between President Tyler and the Whig Party.[54] Writer and activist John Neal, who chaired the delegation from Maine, claimed to have been instrumental in securing the votes needed to nominate Tyler by negotiating with the chair of the New York delegation.[55] Other Tyler foes claimed that he had wept himself into the White House, after crying at Clay's defeat; this was unlikely, as the Kentuckian had backed Tyler's opponent Rives in the Senate election.[56] Tyler's name was submitted in the balloting, and though Virginia abstained, he received the necessary majority. Tyler, as president, was accused of having gained the nomination by concealing his views, and responded that he had not been asked about them. His biographer, Robert Seager II, held that Tyler was selected because of a dearth of alternative candidates. Seager concluded, 'He was put on the ticket to draw the South to Harrison. No more, no less.'[57]
General election[edit]
There was no Whig platform—the party leaders decided that trying to put one together would tear the party apart. So the Whigs ran on their opposition to Van Buren, blaming him and his Democrats for the recession.[58] In campaign materials, Tyler was praised for integrity in resigning over the state legislature's instructions.[59] The Whigs initially hoped to muzzle Harrison and Tyler, lest they make policy statements that alienated segments of the party. But after Tyler's Democratic rival, Vice President Johnson, made a successful speaking tour, Tyler was called upon to travel from Williamsburg to Columbus, Ohio, and there address a local convention, in a speech intended to assure Northerners that he shared Harrison's views. In his journey of nearly two months, Tyler made speeches at rallies. He could not avoid questions, and after being heckled into an admission that he supported the Compromise Tariff (many Whigs did not), resorted to quoting from Harrison's vague speeches. In his two-hour speech at Columbus, Tyler entirely avoided the issue of the Bank of the United States, one of the major questions of the day.[60]
What has caused this great commotion, motion,
Our country through?
It is the ball a-rolling on,
For Tippecanoe and Tyler too, Tippecanoe and Tyler too.
And with them, we'll beat the little Van, Van, Van
Van is a used-up man.
— Campaign song from the 1840 election[61]
To win the election, Whig leaders decided they had to mobilize people across the country, including women, who could not then vote. This was the first time that an American political party included women in campaign activities on a widespread scale, and women in Tyler's Virginia were active on his behalf.[62] The party hoped to avoid issues and win through public enthusiasm, with torchlight processions and alcohol-fueled political rallies.[63] The interest in the campaign was unprecedented, with many public events. When the Democratic press depicted Harrison as an old soldier, who would turn aside from his campaign if given a barrel of hard cider to drink in his log cabin, the Whigs eagerly seized on the image, and the log cabin campaign was born. The fact that Harrison lived on a palatial estate along the Ohio River and that Tyler was well-to-do were ignored, while log cabin images appeared everywhere, from banners to whiskey bottles. Cider was the favored beverage of many farmers and tradesmen, and Whigs claimed that Harrison preferred that drink of the common man.[64] Democrats complained that the Harrison/Tyler campaign's liberal provision of hard cider at rallies was encouraging drunkenness.[65]
The presidential candidate's military service was emphasized, thus the well known campaign jingle, 'Tippecanoe and Tyler Too', referring to Harrison's victory at the Battle of Tippecanoe. Glee clubs sprouted all over the country, singing patriotic and inspirational songs: one Democratic editor stated that he found the songfests in support of the Whig Party to be unforgettable. Among the lyrics sung were 'We shall vote for Tyler therefore/Without a why or wherefore'.[64] Louis Hatch, in his history of the vice presidency, noted, 'the Whigs roared, sang, and hard-cidered the 'hero of Tippecanoe' into the White House'.[66]
Clay, though embittered by another of his many defeats for the presidency, was appeased by Tyler's withdrawal from the still-unresolved Senate race, which would permit the election of Rives, and campaigned in Virginia for the Harrison/Tyler ticket.[63] Tyler predicted the Whigs would easily take Virginia; he was embarrassed when he was proved wrong,[67] but was consoled by an overall victory—Harrison and Tyler won by an electoral vote of 234–60 and with 53 percent of the popular vote. Van Buren took only seven scattered states out of 26. The Whigs gained control of both houses of Congress.[68]
Vice presidency (1841)[edit]
Richmond Virginia Airport
As vice president-elect, Tyler remained quietly at his home in Williamsburg. He privately expressed hopes that Harrison would prove decisive and not allow intrigue in the Cabinet, especially in the first days of the administration.[69] Tyler did not participate in selecting the Cabinet, and did not recommend anyone for federal office in the new Whig administration. Harrison, beset by office seekers and the demands of Senator Clay, twice sent letters to Tyler asking his advice as to whether a Van Buren appointee should be dismissed. In both cases, Tyler recommended against, and Harrison wrote, 'Mr. Tyler says they ought not to be removed, and I will not remove them.'[70] The two men met briefly in Richmond in February, and reviewed a parade together,[69] though they did not discuss politics.[71]
Tyler was sworn in on March 4, 1841, in the Senate chamber, and delivered a three-minute speech about states' rights before swearing in the new senators and then attending Harrison's inauguration. Following the new president's two-hour speech before a large crowd in freezing weather, Tyler returned to the Senate to receive the president's Cabinet nominations, presiding over the confirmations the following day—a total of two hours as president of the Senate. Expecting few responsibilities, he then left Washington, quietly returning to his home in Williamsburg.[72] Seager later wrote, 'Had William Henry Harrison lived, John Tyler would undoubtedly have been as obscure as any vice-president in American history.'[71]
Harrison, meanwhile, struggled to keep up with the demands of Henry Clay and others who sought offices and influence in his administration. Harrison's age and fading health were no secret during the campaign, and the question of the presidential succession was on every politician's mind. The first few weeks of the presidency took a toll on Harrison's health, and after being caught in a rainstorm in late March he came down with pneumonia and pleurisy.[73] Secretary of State Daniel Webster sent word to Tyler of Harrison's illness on April 1; two days later, Richmond attorney James Lyons wrote with the news that the president had taken a turn for the worse, remarking that 'I shall not be surprised to hear by tomorrow's mail that Gen'l Harrison is no more.'[74] Tyler decided not to travel to Washington, not wanting to appear unseemly in anticipating the president's death. At dawn on April 5, Webster's son Fletcher, chief clerk of the State Department, arrived at Tyler's plantation to officially inform Tyler of Harrison's death the morning before.[74]
Presidency (1841–1845)[edit]
Harrison's death in office was an unprecedented event that caused considerable uncertainty regarding presidential succession. Article II, Section 1, Clause 6 of the United States Constitution, which governed intra-term presidential succession at the time (now superseded by the Twenty-fifth Amendment), states that:
In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice President ....[75]
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Interpreting this Constitutional prescription led to the question of whether the actual office of president devolved upon Vice President Tyler, or merely its powers and duties.[76] The Cabinet met within an hour of Harrison's death and, according to a later account, determined that Tyler would be 'vice-president acting president'.[77] However, Tyler firmly and decisively asserted that the Constitution gave him full and unqualified powers of office and had himself sworn in immediately as president, setting a critical precedent for an orderly transfer of power following a president's death.[78] The presidential oath was administered by Judge William Cranch in Tyler's hotel room. He considered the oath redundant to his oath as vice president, but wished to quell any doubt over his accession.[76] When he took office, Tyler, at 51, became the youngest president to that point.[79] His record was in turn surpassed by his immediate successor James Polk, who was inaugurated in 1845 at the age of 49.
'Fearing that he would alienate Harrison's supporters, Tyler decided to keep Harrison's entire cabinet even though several members were openly hostile to him and resented his assumption of the office.'[78] At his first cabinet meeting, Webster informed him of Harrison's practice of making policy by a majority vote. (This was a dubious assertion, since Harrison had held few cabinet meetings and had baldly asserted his authority over the cabinet in at least one.[80]) The Cabinet fully expected the new president to continue this practice. Tyler was astounded and immediately corrected them:
I beg your pardon, gentlemen; I am very glad to have in my Cabinet such able statesmen as you have proved yourselves to be. And I shall be pleased to avail myself of your counsel and advice. But I can never consent to being dictated to as to what I shall or shall not do. I, as president, shall be responsible for my administration. I hope to have your hearty co-operation in carrying out its measures. So long as you see fit to do this, I shall be glad to have you with me. When you think otherwise, your resignations will be accepted.[81]
Tyler delivered an inaugural address before the Congress on April 9, in which he reasserted his belief in fundamental tenets of Jeffersonian democracy and limited federal power. Tyler's claim to be president was not immediately accepted by opposition members of Congress such as John Quincy Adams, who felt that Tyler should be a caretaker under the title of 'acting president', or remain vice president in name.[82] Among those who questioned Tyler's authority was Clay, who had planned to be 'the real power behind a fumbling throne' while Harrison was alive, and intended the same for Tyler.[83] Clay saw Tyler as the 'vice-president' and his presidency as a mere 'regency'.[83]
Ratification of the decision by Congress came through the customary notification that it makes to the president, that it is in session and available to receive messages. In both houses, unsuccessful amendments were offered to strike the word 'president' in favor of language including the term 'vice president' to refer to Tyler. Mississippi Senator Robert J. Walker, in opposition, stated that the idea that Tyler was still vice president and could preside over the Senate was absurd.[84]
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Tyler's opponents never fully accepted him as president. He was referred to by many mocking nicknames, including 'His Accidency'.[85] However, Tyler never wavered from his conviction that he was the rightful president; when his political opponents sent correspondence to the White House addressed to the 'vice president' or 'acting president', Tyler had it returned unopened.[86]
Economic policy and party conflicts[edit]
Harrison had been expected to adhere to Whig Party policies and to defer to party congressional leaders, particularly Clay. When Tyler succeeded him, he initially concurred with the new Whig Congress, signing into law the preemption bill granting 'squatters' sovereignty' to settlers on public land, a Distribution Act (discussed below), a new bankruptcy law, and the repeal of the Independent Treasury. But when it came to the great banking question, Tyler was soon at odds with the Congressional Whigs, and twice vetoed Clay's legislation for a national banking act. Although the second bill was originally tailored to meet his objections in the first veto, its final version did not. This practice, designed to protect Clay from having a successful incumbent president as a rival for the Whig nomination in 1844, became known as 'heading Captain Tyler', a term coined by Whig Representative John Minor Botts of Virginia. Tyler proposed an alternative fiscal plan known as the 'Exchequer', but Clay's friends who controlled the Congress would have none of it.[87]
On September 11, 1841 after the second bank veto, members of the cabinet entered Tyler's office one by one and resigned—an orchestration by Clay to force Tyler's resignation and place his own lieutenant, Senate President pro temporeSamuel L. Southard, in the White House. The only exception was Webster, who remained to finalize what became the 1842 Webster–Ashburton Treaty
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